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'Rien n'est si
désagréable que d'être pendu obscurément' Voltaire
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Europe, Democracy and Union by Médéric L. Pascal ~ ~ ~ A perspective over the evolutions of the European institutions towards more democracy or The European General Election ~ ~ ~
That a large majority of Dutch and French people opposed the ratification of the constitutional treaty presented by the European Convention cannot be ignored so powerful is the signal it sends to those who continue to think the European construction can keep on going without paying attention to whether the proposed advances actually receive a true Democratic support. It is a fact that the European Union has grown larger and that it does probably not always help the well-functioning of its institutions but it is also true that its has grown up in maturity. The about fifty years which has lasted the European cooperation has taught to the Member-States and to their Heads of States and Governments to consult with one another about the most pressing issues which are quaking at times our Continent, the western nearby Isles neighbouring it, and more generally the whole world which surrounds it. This mutual attention and the permanent dialogue which conditions it has an invaluable worth which must not be hazarded by an erroneous or hustled interpretation of the Dutch and French polls on the Constitutional Treaty proposition. But the European collective consciousness has now also seized, beyond the actors of the intergovernmental dialogue, the very individual citizens. They have understood the power of their local votes upon European issues and they shall continue to lay claim to the respect of their Democratic rights at the European level with an increasing pressure. It is by no means the sign of a weakening Europe, in fact it is the condition for quite the contrary. The prevailing approach that has been at work since the early days of the European Community and which consists in multilateral international treaty negotiations betwixt Heads of States and Governments, whereas and even though it has had its most precious benefits until recently for bringing about the at first uncertain project of a European Currency, this approach is no longer plainly satisfactory and has proved its limits in the case of constitutional project. This approach confronts an increasing popular distrust which will keep on growing should nothing be done to tackle the supporting question of Democracy in Europe. This is all very natural since the coming advances touch political aspects likely to impact deeply the life of European citizens. It is all the more natural when you come to think that the only political value to be possibly found as being shared unanimously in the Union and raising no objection at all in its precincts is precisely Democracy. It is perfectly legitimate in these conditions that Democracy should serve as a structuring principle of the new political organisation of the Union. Expressing this expectation is nothing more from the European citizen's part than the expression of a fair and mature political consciousness. It is not advisable to expect from the European citizens that they should accept any advances regarding the institutions of the E.U. or the major political orientations run therefrom until the standards of Democracy and transparency that are set into practice today at the level of the Member-States have not been reached at the E.U. level; Unless of course one is precisely intending to jam the political integration of the European Union incognito. All Democracy is bearing upon and taking its strength from the people it is meant to administer. If the E.U. claims to being a strong Democracy, it can no longer make the economy of seeking popular support. It can no longer flee before the expectation of a more democratic set-up. How are we to proceed to implement it now that we are twenty-five Member-States? How are we to avoid the repetition of the fiasco which followed the Convention? Just in the same manner that we ought to, were we forty or fifty Member-States. We must accept that the whole process should be completely Democratic. It would first be necessary that a public debate should take place so that all who should wish to express their view could do so. It is further sensible to think that such a debate should take place at the same time all over Europe for a decisive argument or a good proposition concerning Europe is unlikely to be so if it resonates only in one Member-State; It should rather interest and benefit to the debate in all of them, should it not? But a public debate on its own is not quite enough. It is necessary to go to the polls and vote precisely upon the debated issues. Thus the results of the vote are invested with the strength of legitimacy and serves as the democratic synthesis of the debate that has preceded the vote. This poll, taken at one given date through-out the Union will be the term raising the needed European debate. Finally, once the polls were held and the results are known for the whole Union, legitimate decisions, policies and actions can be implemented, which should not be afraid to respond to the possible reservations expressed during the debate when possible, but which should ultimately focus on answering the aspiration of a majority of European citizens. The triptych: debate, polls and policy is a representation of the Democratic process that may be worth keeping in mind when addressing structural reforms in the E.U. Is it not remarkable that the polls stand as the middle-part, the centre, the core of it? A European General Election I can already hear the voices of those who will claim that there already exists one such election and who will probably further argue that it has not helped much to improve Democracy in the E.U. They would have in mind the Election to the European Parliament and their comment, strange as it may seem, reinforces the point it is here attempted to make. Indeed the European Parliament may have a lot of virtues, there is a crucial one which it is currently lacking: that of providing Europe with laws. When looking for a legislative authority in Europe, we have to turn ourselves to the Member-States and their National Parliaments. There is the place where the European laws are passed at the occasions of treaty ratifications or Directive implementations Besides, another fundamental attribution of the legislative authority is to validate the composition of the executive power. Once more, this crucial function is fulfilled by the National Parliaments when they approve the Government nomination. The members of these governments are the people who are actually seated in the various European Councils – Finance minister Council, Foreign Office Council, National Security and Justice Council… – which are, along with the Head of State and Government Council, the European Executive Power. The board of these Councils takes the decisions which become the European laws once passed by the National Parliaments. Therefore when voting for the National Representation in the various Member-States, the citizens are voting for their European Representation as well. Hence, wouldn’t it be natural that the General Election should take place at the same moment through-out the Union? It would permit to draw a valid majority in Europe which would legitimate the political orientation given at the Union level. It would reinforce the European legitimacy of the National Chambers whose members could elect plenipotentiary representatives to the European Parliament to pass the European laws and vote the European Budget. It would permit that the Ministers would be nominated at the same moment in Europe granting to the different Councils an increased stability and consequently the time to work out their policy for the whole term instead of dealing with a state of permanent emergency due to continuous partial renewals. Of course precipitation in these matters is not an option. All the present Governments of the different Member-States are engaged in policies and local reforms that require time and cannot be wiped off the slate out of European agenda reasons. Yet it must be possible to agree upon a term which would be acceptable for all. What about in six years? It should be enough for everyone to deal with its current issues and beyond allow all to prepare for the first grand E.U.-wide debate. It would secondly be needed to agree upon an acceptable length of the mandate to start the periodical movement of the European Democracy. Why not take an average value of some kind not to appear to privilege the model of one or the other Member-State? Perhaps some would object here that, in case of a crisis in one of the Member-States, it would no longer be possible to call anticipated elections to solve the crisis. It needs not be so. It is only necessary to make sure that in case of the calling of anticipated elections in a Member-State – which should probably remain an exception – this State would have to call for new elections when the European term is up in order to respect the European agenda. Finally for the particular cases of Member-States where the Head of State conducts the European policy, it is only necessary to align the term and length of the executive mandate onto that of the new European legislative mandate thus created to accord the sovereign legitimacy of this choice by the concerned Member-States with the benefits for all to succeed at a European harmonisation of the legislative mandate. Sometimes a very simple change can have very powerful consequences. The benefits of a European General Election should not be underestimated. It is true it would not solve all the problems in Europe – What could? – But it would bear substancial fruits in terms of better Democracy. For them to become real, all that is needed is that you give it your personal support and bear its cause. Democracy benefits everyone, and that includes you! So why don’t you stand up for it? Thank you for your interest and long live the Democracy in Europe!
First publish Monday, 24th July 2006 The present document is free of copyright. It can consequently be copied free of charge. It is only required to respect the integrity of the text, as much as possible the lay-out given to it and to openly mention the first publication by Hidepark21 Publications on 24th July 2006 and the lack of copyright. Blimey, why was
it I was not born in England? |
